Holy Roman Empire

Chapter 252: Chapter 1, The Tsar Wants to Abolish Serfdom
January 1, 1855, was a day worth commemorating in European history; on this day, “The Four-Nation Convention” officially came into effect, and the European Continent entered the era of the new Vienna System.

In accordance with the treaty’s stipulations, each nation began to fulfill its respective duties and obligations. The British soldiers who had “strayed” into the Serbia region also began to be sent back home.

Originally, these British soldiers could have left when the negotiations began, but having stayed in the Serbia region for so long, they had not been idle.

Although the London Government paid for their living expenses, the soldiers had no pocket money, as the London bureaucracy wouldn’t send their pay over.

Austria only disarmed them but didn’t restrict their freedom of movement. Apart from their fixed lodging and meals, they could roam anywhere within a few kilometers, with taverns being their favorite spots.

The Austrian Government was only responsible for providing three meals a day; any additional expenses were out of their own pocket! Days of living off dwindling resources soon led to impoverishment among the British soldiers, and a lack of money made life difficult. Over time, they certainly couldn’t stand it.

Violating discipline? At that time, the Serbia region was under martial law, and getting caught could risk one’s head.

During this period, the locals were rebuilding and lacking in strong labor force. In order to make their own lives more comfortable, many soldiers took up part-time jobs to earn some extra cash.

With a severe loss of young men, the male-to-female ratio in the Serbia region was seriously unbalanced. Having mingled for a long time, many British soldiers also started families there.

With a family came ties to the local area. In this era of inconvenient transportation, for most people, parting was likely permanent. If it weren’t for the persistent urging of the British Government, the delay would probably have been even longer.

The Austrian Government had accommodated a total of 2,183 British soldiers, but by the time they left, the group had swelled to 3,128 people, the increase naturally being due to family members.

What the British Cabinet felt about this news is one thing, but Franz was completely bewildered when he received it.

However, considering the peculiar situation in the Serbia region, he could understand it. Eligible women needed to marry, and with a shortage of local men, they had to look outward.

The British brand was still pretty influential at the time, at least for the locals in Serbia, this identity was tempting.

International marriage was legal in Austria, as long as both parties consented and then registered at a church, they would be protected by law.

Not only the British soldiers but many Austrians stationed in Serbia faced similar situations, leading to debates at the General Staff headquarters. Eventually, under the broader context of national integration, the government gave the green light.

It was impossible to stop it, Franz had that much grace. Why beat the lovebirds if they were willing participants? It simply meant an additional expense for the living costs of the British soldiers’ families, with the London Government footing the bill.

Politically, this even became a testament to the friendship between the United Kingdom and Austria, or at least that’s how the British media reported it. John Bull cared about saving face, and the real reasons were no longer pursued.

It was just a small episode that soon passed, leaving just a topic of light-hearted conversation over tea and dinner.

On the day the treaty came into effect, Austria also completed its exchange of treaties with the Ottoman Empire. The Ottoman Empire recognized its defeat and ceded Serbia, Wallachia, Moldavia, and Bosnia and Herzegovina to Austria; the territorial sovereignty of the above regions formally changed.

There was no hesitation about territorial cession; separated as they were by the French-Russian territories, even if the regions were left to the Ottoman Empire, they would be powerless to do anything.

In contrast, a dispute occurred over territorial transactions between the French and the Ottoman Empire, with the French representative directly presenting a loan receipt for payment, naturally upsetting the Ottomans.

How could they renege on an agreed cash transaction? But the French didn’t see it that way, subtracting two hundred million Francs from the debt, which was also a cash payment, wasn’t it?

Regardless of Ottoman protests, the Paris Government was resolute, and cash payment was out of the question; it would simply reduce the debt.

The French Government was not affluent at the moment. With the Near East war dragging on, France’s military expenditure was an astronomical figure, and Napoleon III was equally troubled by financial issues.

Moreover, with the loss of the Balkan Peninsula, the Ottoman Empire’s debt repayment capacity had significantly decreased; if the debt were not reduced, it was questionable whether these loans could be recovered.

Capitalists unwilling to take this risk encouraged the French Government to take over the debt, and Napoleon III, eager to win public support, naturally agreed.

Dispute aside, it didn’t interfere with the fulfillment of the treaty. International loans were usually draconian, and French quickly found a clause in the loan agreement that proved the legality of their actions, silencing the Ottomans.

With the full implementation of the treaty, the new Vienna System was established, and the cloud of war that hung over the European Continent dissipated.

St. Petersburg

The streets and alleys were all celebrating this great victory, but this did not include the higher echelons of the Tsarist Government. They knew their own affairs and were acutely aware of how much the victory was inflated.

If it hadn’t been for the sudden epidemic that struck the confidence of the French, it was estimated that the Russian Army might still be engaged in fierce battle at Constantinople.

Inside the Winter Palace, Nicholas I roared, “How can the great Russian Empire not come up with even a bit of compensation for the aftermath of the war?”

Dead livestock wasn’t worth much, but after all, it was a victorious battle; some compensation had to be given for those who died, right? And those who survived also deserved some form of reward. If they weren’t high up to be promoted or knighted, at least some bonus had to be given!

If these tasks weren’t accomplished well, who would be willing to lay down their lives for the Tsar next time?

Finance Minister Aristander Rhodes replied with a bitter smile, “Your Majesty, the casualties of the war are too great, and Constantinople needs to be rebuilt. The government’s finances have long been in deficit. To come up with hundreds of millions of rubles all at once is simply too difficult.”

Reconstruction of Constantinople was a must, a dual demand of politics and religion. Even if it meant selling iron pots, the Tsarist Government had no choice but to grit its teeth and proceed.

Post-war compensation and rewards had to be issued; both were equally important. This was undoubtedly a test for the finance of Russia.

The Russians must be thankful that the epidemic brought an early end to the war. If it had dragged on for another year or half, even by selling iron pots, they wouldn’t have been able to raise the funds.

Nicholas I rebuked harshly, “No money, then find a solution. There’s no need to remind me of the financial difficulties. The task of the Ministry of Finance now is to figure out a solution to this financial crisis.

No matter what, the post-war compensation must be distributed, and the funds for the reconstruction of Constantinople must also be raised.”

“Your Majesty, the best solution now is to solicit donations from the public for the reconstruction of Constantinople. If that really won’t work, we’ll have to raise taxes.

The government lacks funds. For post-war rewards, we can try to avoid giving direct cash as much as possible, for example, by granting the soldier and their family the status of free citizens.

We can also learn from the Austrians by awarding land to common soldiers according to their merits to reduce financial expenditures,” Aristander Rhodes replied.

Serfs in the Russian Empire could only shed their status restrictions by fighting for the Tsarist and achieving military merit, which could allow them to become free citizens.

However, this path was very narrow. Serfs were the private property of the Nobility, and the Tsar could not just arbitrarily deprive them. Along with granting serf soldiers the status of free citizens, the serfs’ masters also had to be compensated.

The implication of Aristander Rhodes now was undoubtedly to tap into the lands of the newly occupied areas. No matter how one put it, the lands in the Bulgarian region were more fertile than most of the Russian Empire.

This land was also wealth that could be traded with the Nobility. Serfs had no private property. Awarding land to the soldiers was essentially the same as awarding land to their masters.

Since everyone was benefiting, granting these serf soldiers the status of free citizens would naturally not be a problem, nor would it be difficult for the government to collect taxes for the reconstruction of Constantinople.

This was under the premise of a victory in the Near East war. Otherwise, granting so many soldiers the status of free citizens would have not been so easily accepted by the Nobility.

Emancipating the serfs was not an easy task. As the Finance Minister, Aristander Rhodes did not dare to speak directly about emancipation. Instead, he used a roundabout method, seizing the opportunity of post-war rewards to free some serfs.

Nicholas I was no fool. He quickly grasped the meaning behind Aristander Rhodes’s suggestion. The number of soldiers who participated in the Near East war, from start to finish, was nearly two million people.

Most of them came from a serf background. If all these individuals, along with their families, were made free citizens, it would undoubtedly be ripping open the beginnings of serf emancipation.

Nicholas I was well aware of the harms of serfdom. If the opposition had not been so strong, he would have already set to work.

The outbreak of the war in the Near East allowed them to witness the strength of capitalist countries, and the upper echelons of Russia had already realized that they must abolish serfdom to catch up.

To proceed with this under the guise of rewards for a major victory had a high chance of success. Even if this probe failed, the government had not directly announced the abolition of serfdom; there would still be room for easing tensions with the Nobility.

Having thought through all this, Nicholas I nodded his head, agreeing to Aristander Rhodes’s plan.